A large portion of everyday behavior is habitual, that is, being performed frequently, automatically, and in stable contexts. Habits vary in a number of ways. Some habits involve simple acts, while others are part of more complex behaviors or relationships. We may not even be aware of the many unimportant habits, such as where you sit at the table or the way you tie your shoes. Other habits are more important, and may be embedded in other constructs and processes such as self-esteem, self-regulation and self-perceptions.
A strong motivation, anchored in self-identity, may instigate repeated action, which may then become a habit. Such habits may function as vehicles of self control in accomplishing a goal. Some habits directly signify a particular identity, for instance, while smoking is rapidly changing, in some segments this habit still stands for masculinity or being “cool” (e.g. Ng et. al., 2007). Self-identities have been studied as a potential addition to the theory of planned behavior.
As we argued in the introduction, habits are not necessarily associated with identity. Individuals differ in which habits they develop, and which habits, if any, make up part of their self-identity. Study 1 correlated with cognitive self-integration (self-prioritization), self-esteem, and a promotion-style self-regulatory focus. Study 2 demonstrated that habit-identities associations are stronger when these are explicitly considered as instantiations of values.
The positive relations found in Study 1 may point to what Rogers (1961) described as characterizing “a fully functioning person,” that is, someone who aims at fulfilling their full potential. A strong integrated self is not necessarily positive or wholesome but may also characterize individuals who are highly delusional or be associated with narcissism and self-aggrandizing. But in those individuals too, self-perception of habits may function to support such beliefs.
A promising approach to model these relationships is provided by control-process models. These describe processes that unfold when individuals experience discrepancies between a current state and a goal. Moral values that make up part of one’s true self may constitute such goals. In both studies, we correlated participants’ habit ratings with the degree to which they perceived these behaviors to be part of their true self. A specific habit (e.g., helping an elderly person) may thus constitute a course of action by which a culturally determined moral value is expressed.
A limitation of the present studies is that, for the obvious reason of avoiding an overload for participants, the habit and identity assessments for the 80 behaviors had to be confined to one-item measures. While we acknowledge this limitation, it has been demonstrated in numerous studies that used the Self-Report Habit Index that these two components are strongly correlated. One of the 12 items of this scale refers to self-identity (“Behavior X is something that is typically me”).
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Habit and Identity: Behavioral, Cognitive, Affective, and Motivational Facets of an Integrated Self
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